竹窗隨筆・三筆 · Entries 5–10

Notes Beside the Bamboo Window — Third Collection, Part 2

Continuing the Third Collection (三筆). This section extends the opening entry's argument against killing across several more angles — a sharp critique of animal sacrifice, a scholar's clever etymological defense of Fuxi's original hunting net, Zhuhong's own account of drinking river water indistinguishable from bathwater, and a call for genuine frugality among comfortable monks.

Translator: Ru-Yi Meditation Center Status: complete — all 398 entries translated Commentary guide: 華藏講記組's vernacular commentary (Huazang Study Group)

5. 殺生非人所為 — Killing Is Not Something a Human Being Should Do

An argument that human killing far outstrips even a predator's natural violence — while a tiger harms only land animals and a fish-eating bird only water creatures, humans hunt every domain at once, leaving nothing untouched.

Chinese Source

虎豹之食群獸也,鷹鸇之食群鳥也,鱧獺鶿鷺之食魚蝦等諸水族也,物類之無知則然;具人之形,稟人之性,乃殺諸眾生而食其肉,可乎?是人中之虎豹鷹鸇、鱧獺鶿鷺也!雖然,虎之害不及空飛,鱧之害不及陸走,人則上而天、下而淵、中而散殊於林麓田野者,釣弋網罟,百計取之無遺餘,是人之害甚於物也。孔子曰:「仁者,人也。」孟子曰:「仁,人心也。」人而不仁,是尚得為人乎?既名為人,必無殺生食肉之理矣!

Ru-Yi Translation

Tigers and leopards preying on other beasts, hawks and falcons preying on other birds, snakeheads, otters, cormorants, and herons preying on fish and shrimp and other aquatic creatures — these are simply the nature of ignorant animals. But for one who bears the human form and is endowed with human nature to kill living beings of every kind and eat their flesh — can this be right? Such a person is nothing but a tiger, leopard, hawk, falcon, snakehead, otter, cormorant, or heron in human form! And yet even so, a tiger's harm does not extend to creatures flying in the air, and a snakehead's harm does not extend to creatures walking on land; but human beings — whether in the sky above, in the deep waters below, or scattered throughout forest, mountain, and open field — use fishhooks, arrows, nets, and traps to capture every last one of them by every conceivable method, leaving nothing behind. In this, human harm to the world far exceeds that of any other creature. Confucius said: "Benevolence is what makes one human." Mencius said: "Benevolence is the human heart itself." If a person lacks benevolence, can he still be called human at all? Once one is truly called human, there can be no justification whatsoever for killing living beings and eating their flesh!

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

The two quotations are genuine, well-known lines — Confucius's own gloss on benevolence from the Doctrine of the Mean, and Mencius's parallel definition from his own text — and Zhuhong's argument continues the same structural move already used to open the collection (entry 1 above): granting the natural, unavoidable violence of predatory animals, then arguing human killing is worse precisely because it is neither natural nor necessary.

6. 祀天牛 — Sacrificing an Ox to Heaven

A pointed critique of imperial animal sacrifice, arguing that even Emperor Wu of Liang's devout substitution of dough offerings applied only to ancestral rites, not the far grander sacrifice to Heaven itself — leaving the ox's fate entirely unaddressed by even the most pious ruler in history.

Chinese Source

燔牛祀天,世傳事始於上古,而歷代因之。雖以梁武帝之奉佛,然麵為犧牲,獨行於太廟而不行於南郊。史稱正月上辛,以特牛祀於天皇大帝;夫祀天配以祖,則牛亦在焉,安所稱為用麵?予不知其說也。昔沛公以太牢祀孔子,予嘗謂一太牢何足以報聖師之恩;則其不足以報上帝之恩亦明矣!而自古及今,為有國之大典,孰從而止之?悲矣哉,牛乎!何其業之深且長也一至是乎?

Ru-Yi Translation

Burning an ox as an offering to Heaven is said, by popular tradition, to have originated in high antiquity, and every dynasty since has continued the practice. Even Emperor Wu of Liang, devout as he was in his Buddhist faith, though he substituted dough figures for sacrificial animals, did so only at the ancestral temple, never daring to do so at the southern suburban altar. History records that on the first xin day of the first month, a single bull was sacrificed to the Heavenly Sovereign Great Emperor; and since sacrifice to Heaven is always paired with sacrifice to one's own ancestors, the ox must have been present there as well — how, then, could dough offerings have been used at all? I do not know on what basis this claim was made.

Long ago, Lord Pei offered the full sacrifice of the "great feast" in honor of Confucius, and I have already said elsewhere that even this full sacrifice could hardly repay the debt owed to a sage teacher — how much less, then, could it repay the debt owed to the Emperor on High! And yet, from ancient times to the present, this remains a great state ceremony — who could possibly persuade anyone to abolish it? How sorrowful, O ox! How deep and lasting must your own karma be, to have come to this!

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

"Lord Pei's full sacrifice for Confucius" refers to the same episode already discussed at length in this project's translation of the Second Collection (entry 42 there), where Zhuhong argued that even the most elaborate sacrificial feast could not repay Confucius's own moral debt to humanity — the argument here extends that same logic upward, from a sage teacher to Heaven itself, making the case for animal sacrifice's inadequacy even stronger by escalation.

7. 伏羲氏網罟 — Fuxi's Hunting Net

A defense of a scholar's clever etymological argument that Fuxi's original hunting net was meant to protect crops from wild animals, not to capture them for food — with Zhuhong's own extension answering an objection about the net predating agriculture itself.

Chinese Source

槐亭王先生謂網罟制於伏羲,蓋因獸之傷稼,設為網罟者,禦之也,非捕之也,故曰佃曰漁,皆有田字隱隱在中。槐亭此說,發千古所未發,可謂大有功於世道矣!或曰:「炎帝始為稼穡,故號神農氏;伏羲時未有稼,而網罟將奚為?」予乃用前意而廣之曰,古雖未稼,或食草木之實,猶稼也。況人畜以強弱相勝,設為網罟,使獸畏而避之,但教民遠其害,非教民食其肉也。捕而食之,後世之流弊也,非聖人意也。

Ru-Yi Translation

Mr. Wang of Huaiting held that the hunting net was devised by Fuxi because wild animals were damaging the crops — the net was set up as a defense against them, not as a means of capturing them for food. This is why the characters for "farming" and "fishing" both contain the character for "field" hidden within them. Mr. Wang's theory brings to light something never before articulated in all of history, and may truly be said to render great service to the moral order of the world!

Someone might object: "It was Emperor Yan who first began cultivating crops, and was therefore called Shennong — in Fuxi's own time there were no crops yet at all, so what purpose could the hunting net possibly have served?" I would extend the earlier point further in reply: even in ancient times, before crops were cultivated, people still ate the fruits of wild plants and trees, which functioned as their own kind of crop. And besides, among humans and animals alike, the strong prevail over the weak — the net was set up precisely so that wild animals, made fearful, would keep their distance, teaching the people how to avoid harm from them, not teaching the people to capture and eat their flesh. Capturing animals in order to eat them was a corrupt practice that developed only in later generations — it was never the sage's own original intention.

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

Mr. Wang of Huaiting is the same source Zhuhong credits in the Second Collection's own note on Fuxi's net (entry 50, second note, above), where the identical etymological argument about "field" hidden within the characters for farming and fishing already appeared — this entry is Zhuhong's own return to a favorite piece of reasoning, now extended to answer a chronological objection the earlier, shorter treatment had left unaddressed.

8. 浴水 — Bathwater

A vivid, firsthand account of a crowded grain-barge journey where washing water, drinking water, and sewage all mixed in the same shallow river — used to argue that monks' fastidious multiple daily baths show a shameful lack of perspective next to genuine hardship.

Chinese Source

京畿老辨融師嘗言:「沐浴水澄之,可以漬米炊飯。」或曰戲言也,或曰有激之言也。予以為不然,蓋實語耳。予昔附糧舶至丹陽,連艘十餘里,首尾相踵,而河狹水淺,浣衣者恆於斯,濯足者恆於斯,大小便利者恆於斯,穢且甚矣,然用之以煎煮炊爨者,亦恆於斯。非大富貴人,罕有登崖覓井、汲泉者。河水浴水奚別焉?耿恭被圍絕水,絞馬糞汁而飲之;而口外有炒米店四十里,候天雨為飲,穿井數十丈不得水。嗟乎!餓鬼之鄉,積劫不聞水名;為僧者,今處清溪流泉之所,茶湯灌浣,事事如意,更復一月八浴猶以為少,一月十五浴猶以為少,何不知慚愧乃至於是!

Ru-Yi Translation

Elder Bianrong of the capital once said: "Bathwater, once it has settled clear again, can still be used to rinse rice and cook it." Some took this as a joke, others as words spoken in a moment of passionate exaggeration. I believe neither is correct — it was, in fact, simply the plain truth.

I once traveled by grain barge to Danyang; the boats were lashed together bow to stern for more than ten li, and because the river was narrow and shallow, people habitually washed their clothes there, washed their feet there, and relieved themselves there as well — the water was filthy in the extreme — and yet that very same water was also habitually used for cooking and boiling food. Only the truly wealthy ever bothered to climb the riverbank in search of a well or a spring. What difference, then, is there really between river water and bathwater?

Consider Geng Gong, besieged and cut off from water, forced to wring out and drink the liquid squeezed from horse dung; or consider the region beyond the frontier wall, where for forty li around, people wait for rainfall to have anything to drink at all, digging wells dozens of zhang deep without ever striking water. Alas! In the realm of the hungry ghosts, kalpa upon kalpa passes without so much as hearing the very word "water." And yet monks today, dwelling beside clear streams and flowing springs, with tea, hot water, and washing water all available at will, still bathe eight times a month and consider it too few, or even fifteen times a month and still consider it too few — how can they fail to feel any shame at all, that it should come to this!

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

Bianrong is the same real Ming-dynasty monk whose plain-spoken teaching Zhuhong defended in the Second Collection's own entry 61 above; Geng Gong is a genuine and celebrated Han-dynasty general, whose siege at Shule and desperate resort to horse-dung liquid, followed by a spring miraculously appearing after he prayed and bowed toward a dry well, is recorded in the Book of the Later Han — one of Chinese history's most vivid sieges, deployed here as concrete, documented proof against monastic complaint about mere inconvenience.

9. 僧宜節儉 — Monks Ought to Be Frugal

Two lay officials' austere personal habits, maintained even at the height of worldly success, become a rebuke to monks who enjoy far greater material comfort than either ascetic discipline or ordinary decency requires.

Chinese Source

張子韶自做秀才時,至狀元及第,位登樞要,而麤衣菲食,無玩好器物,其筆亦用殘禿者。胡克仁居官,茹蔬終身,眠一紙帳。彼乃現宰官身,行比丘行,況身是比丘者乎?佛制頭陀比丘,行乞為食,糞掃為衣,塚間樹下為宿,今處於眾中,檀越送供,衣足矣,食足矣,安居於蘭若矣,更求佳麗,可乎?一缽四綴,一緉鞋三十年,古德之高風未墜也。吾為是慚愧自責,而併以告夫同侶。

Ru-Yi Translation

Zhang Zishao, from the time he was a mere licentiate scholar all the way to placing first in the palace examination and rising to a position at the very center of government, wore only coarse clothing and ate only plain food, kept no collection of curiosities or fine objects, and even used his own brush pens down to their last worn bristles. Hu Keren, while serving as a magistrate, ate nothing but vegetables his entire life, and slept beneath a simple paper canopy. These men, while occupying the body of a government official, still practiced the conduct of a mendicant monk — how much more, then, should this be expected of one who is actually a monk himself!

The Buddha established that monks following the ascetic disciplines should beg for their food, wear cast-off rags as clothing, and lodge among graves or beneath trees. Today's monks, by contrast, dwelling within a community, receive offerings sent directly to the monastery — clothing enough, food enough, dwelling safely within a peaceful monastery — and still seek out finer, more beautiful things besides. How can this possibly be right? Under the precepts, a single bowl may be mended as many as four times before a new one is sought; and the eminent monk Huixiu of the Liu Song dynasty wore a single pair of monastic sandals for thirty years — proof that this noble tradition of the ancients has not yet been entirely lost. I set this down here out of my own shame and self-reproach, and to share this same reminder with my fellow companions on the path.

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

Zhang Zishao (Zhang Jiucheng) was a genuine Southern Song scholar-official who reached the top rank of the palace examination and served near the very center of government while remaining a serious student of Chan under Dahui Zonggao — the same master already discussed in the Second Collection for his eighteen awakenings (entry 125 above); his famous inscription on a government office wall, warning that an official's single day of idleness could cause the people boundless suffering, gives concrete texture to the austere reputation Zhuhong invokes here.

10. 僧拜父母 — Should Monks Bow to Their Parents

A brief, practical resolution to an apparent conflict between Buddhist monastic law, which exempts monks from bowing to their own parents, and imperial law, which required it — proposing that both sides simply reframe the gesture's meaning.

Chinese Source

佛制出家比丘不拜父母,而王法有僧道拜父母之律。或問:「依佛制則王法有違,遵王法則佛制不順,當如之何?」予謂此無難,可以並行而不悖者也。為比丘者,遇父母必拜,曰:「此吾親也,猶佛也。」為父母者,當其拜,或引避,或答禮,曰:「此佛之弟子也,非吾子也。」寧不兩盡其道乎?

Ru-Yi Translation

The Buddha's own monastic code holds that a monk who has left the household life need not bow to his own parents, while the law of kings requires monks and Daoist priests to bow to their parents. Someone asked: "If one follows the Buddha's code, one violates the king's law; if one obeys the king's law, one goes against the Buddha's code — what, then, should one do?" I would say this presents no real difficulty at all — the two can proceed together without contradiction. Let the monk, upon meeting his own parents, always bow, saying to himself: "These are my own parents — and yet they are also, in this moment, like the Buddha himself." And let the parents, when their son bows to them, either step aside to avoid the bow, or return it with a bow of their own, saying: "This is a disciple of the Buddha — not merely my own child." Would this not allow both principles to be fully honored at once?

Reading note — after the Huazang Study Group's commentary

The tension Zhuhong addresses here was a real and long-running point of friction in Chinese Buddhist history — Indian monastic custom exempting monks from bowing to secular authority (including their own parents) repeatedly clashed with Confucian filial norms and, at various points, explicit imperial decree requiring the bow; Zhuhong's own resolution is characteristically practical rather than doctrinal, reframing the gesture's meaning on both sides rather than declaring either law wrong.