Notes Beside the Bamboo Window — Third Collection, Part 19
Continuing the Third Collection (三筆). Three entries of careful textual criticism: doubts about a troubling line in Nanyue Huisi's own vow text, a defense of Tiantai's true humility against later followers' overreaching claims, and a history of the Water-and-Land liturgy paired with a caution against performing it too casually or too often.
83. 南嶽誓願文 — Nanyue's Vow Text
A careful piece of textual criticism: Zhuhong doubts that a troubling line about seeking alchemical longevity before enlightenment truly came from the great Tiantai patriarch Nanyue Huisi, comparing it against a suspiciously similar textual corruption found elsewhere in Huisi's own writings.
《大藏》有南嶽禪師《立誓願文》,末後言願先得丹而後得道,蓋欲留形住世,長生不死,而現世之中便得成果,不待他生。南嶽應化聖賢,若果出其口,必自有故,非凡近所測;若後人所增,則不可信;下士觀此,或起異見,是願文誤之也。神鸞焚仙經而修《觀經》,南嶽修丹道以求佛道,何兩不相合如是?彼南嶽《止觀》,於《起信論》增一「惡」字,而曰「具足一切善惡」,此必非南嶽之意,而後人為之者;惡字可增,今文何可遽信?其亦《禪門口訣》之類也夫!
The Buddhist canon contains a single scroll titled Chan Master Nanyue's Vow Text, whose closing verse says that the author wishes to attain the alchemical elixir first and enlightenment only afterward — meaning he wished to preserve his physical body and remain in the world, achieving long life without death, so as to reach spiritual fulfillment within this very life rather than waiting for a future one. Nanyue Huisi was a sage manifesting in the world for the sake of others; if this line genuinely came from his own mouth, it must have had some deeper purpose of its own, not something an ordinary, shallow reader could fathom. But if it was instead added by someone later, then it cannot be trusted at all — for a reader of lesser capacity, encountering this passage, might well be led into some mistaken view, and it would be the vow text itself that misled him.
Tanluan burned his own immortality scriptures in order to practice the Contemplation Sutra, while Nanyue, according to this text, practiced alchemy in order to seek the Buddhist Way — how could two great masters diverge so completely on this point? Consider, too, that in Nanyue's own Great Vehicle Cessation-and-Contemplation, a single word — "evil" — has been inserted into a quotation from the Awakening of Faith, so that it now reads "fully endowed with every good and evil," when this could not possibly have been Nanyue's own intended meaning, and must be a later addition. If even a single character can be inserted into the Cessation-and-Contemplation like this, how can the passage about seeking alchemy before the Way, in the vow text we have today, be trusted without question? This too, I suspect, belongs to the same category as the spurious Chan Instructions discussed earlier.
Huisi (515–577) was the teacher of Zhiyi and the actual Second Patriarch of the Tiantai lineage, historically documented as deeply concerned with Dharma-decline prophecy and drawn, in that context, to Daoist longevity practice as a means of preserving his own body long enough to await Maitreya — a genuine and well-attested historical tension in his biography, not merely a later corruption, though Zhuhong here treats the specific line as suspect textual transmission rather than confront that tension directly; Tanluan's own dramatic renunciation of his Daoist immortality scriptures upon receiving the Contemplation Sutra from Bodhiruci, referenced here for contrast, was already recounted in this collection's earlier discussion, in entry 80 above, of monks and worldly longevity.
84. 天台傳佛心印 — Tiantai's Transmission of the Buddha-Mind-Seal
A defense of the historical Zhiyi's own genuine humility against later Tiantai followers' exaggerated claims — that Tiantai alone transmitted the Buddha's mind-seal, that its teaching surpasses every other school outright — arguing that such overreach actually betrays the founder's own spirit.
《大藏》又有智者大師《傳佛心印》一卷。夫佛心印曰天台傳之,可也;謂天台獨傳,而達磨諸師皆不得與焉,不可也;謂師子遇害,其傳遂止,而六代傳衣俱無其事,不可也。師子之色身可害,而道不可害也;師子之說法已竟,而傳法未竟也。皆後人所為尊天台,而不知所以尊也。又後人之言曰:「法華,根本也;華嚴,枝葉也。」天台何曾有是言也?又曰:「性具之旨惟一家有,非諸家所能及。」一家之說,亦何示人以不廣也?夫性具之理,見於諸經,發於諸祖,不知其幾,而獨擅一家,非天台所樂聞也。天台,聖師也,望道而未之見者也。其自處也,曰:「損己利人,止登五品。」而後人過為稱揚,失天台不自聖之心矣!合前一事觀之,故古云:「盡信書,則不如無書。」
The canon also contains a single scroll attributed to Tiantai Zhiyi titled Transmission of the Buddha-Mind-Seal. To say that the Buddha's mind-seal was transmitted through Tiantai is entirely acceptable; to say that Tiantai alone transmitted it, and that Bodhidharma and the other Chan masters had no share in it at all, is not acceptable; and to claim that the transmission actually stopped when the patriarch Siṃha was killed, so that the well-known six generations of robe-transmission in China never really happened, is likewise not acceptable. Siṃha's physical body could be killed, but the Way itself cannot be killed; his own teaching of the Dharma came to an end, but the transmission of the Dharma did not end with him. All of these claims are the work of later followers wishing to honor Tiantai, without understanding what genuine honor actually requires.
Later followers also say: "The Lotus Sutra is the root; the Avataṃsaka Sutra is merely branch and leaf." When did Tiantai himself ever say such a thing? They also say: "The teaching of inherent nature belongs to our school alone, and no other school can match it." But if it is truly just one school's private teaching, does that not itself reveal how narrow it has become? The principle of inherent nature appears throughout the sutras and has been expounded by patriarchs beyond counting — for one school to claim exclusive possession of it is not something Tiantai himself would ever have wished to hear. Tiantai was a true sage, one who gazed toward the Way yet, in his own humility, never claimed to have fully seen it. In his own words describing his own attainment, he said only: "Because I sacrificed my own benefit for the sake of others, I reached no higher than the fifth of the outer stages." Yet later followers praise him far beyond this, losing entirely the very spirit by which Tiantai himself refused to claim sagehood. Taking this together with the previous entry, one recalls the ancient saying: "Better to have no book at all than to believe everything in it."
Zhiyi (538–597), the actual founder of the Tiantai school, is genuinely on record describing his own attainment modestly as reaching only the "five ranks of disciple," the lowest of the eight stages in Tiantai's own path scheme — a documented act of self-effacement that Zhuhong here uses, in genuinely original argument, as the standard against which to measure and find wanting his own later followers' exaggerated sectarian claims; the "Siṃha" referred to is the twenty-fourth Indian Chan patriarch, traditionally said to have been executed by a hostile king, whose death later apologists mistakenly treated as ending the Chan lineage that in fact continued through Bodhidharma to the historical Sixth Patriarch Huineng.
85. 水陸儀文 — The Water-and-Land Liturgy Text
A history of the Water-and-Land ceremony's legendary origin under Emperor Wu of Liang, criticism of the disorderly modern versions in circulation, praise for Master Zhipan's careful redaction, and a caution against performing so solemn a rite too casually or too frequently.
水陸儀文,世傳起自梁武帝。昔白起以長平一坑至四十萬,罪大惡極,久沈地獄,無繇出離,致夢於武帝。武帝與志公諸師議拔救之策,知《大藏》有《水陸儀文》,禱之,則光明滿堂。繇此舉行,傳之後世。而今藏並無其文,金山寺之本,亦前後錯雜,不見始終頭緒。時僧行者,亦復隨意所作,各各稍殊。南都所繪上下堂像,隨畫師所傳,奉為定規,頗不的當。而啟建道場者,化募資費,累月累年始克成就。陳設繁文,以致士女老幼紛至沓來,如俗中看旗看春,交足摩肩,男女混亂,日以千計,而不免褻瀆聖賢,衝突鬼神,失多而過重,有禍而無功,多致道場不終其事而感惡報,甚可懼也!惟四明志磐法師所輯儀文,至精至密,至簡至易,精密而不傷於煩長,簡易而不病於缺漏。其本止存四明,諸方皆未之見也。予為訂正,重壽諸梓,以廣流通。雖然,亦不可易易舉、數數舉也;易則必至於數,數則自生夫易,繇是疏於誠敬,多於過愆,則求福而反禍矣!幸相與慎之。
The Water-and-Land liturgy is, by popular tradition, said to have originated with Emperor Wu of Liang. Long before, the general Bai Qi had buried alive some four hundred thousand surrendered soldiers after the battle of Changping — a crime so grave that he remained sunk in hell for ages without any way of escape, and so he appeared in a dream to Emperor Wu. The emperor, consulting with Master Baozhi and other monks about how to bring about his deliverance, learned that the Buddhist canon contained a Water-and-Land liturgy text; when he prayed using it, radiant light filled the entire hall. From this the rite began to be performed, and it has been handed down ever since.
Yet the canon as it exists today contains no such text at all. The version currently used at Jinshan Temple is itself a jumble, its passages out of order, with no clear thread from beginning to end. The monks who perform it today simply improvise as they see fit, so that no two performances are quite alike; and the upper- and lower-hall images painted in the southern capital follow whatever convention individual painters happened to pass down, taken as fixed rule though hardly appropriate. To hold such a ceremony at all requires soliciting funds for months or even years before it can be carried out, and its elaborate arrangements draw crowds of men and women, old and young, streaming in continuously, exactly as at some worldly festival with its banners and springtime crowds — people packed shoulder to shoulder, men and women mixed in disorder, numbering in the thousands each day — inevitably treating sacred images with disrespect and giving offense to the very spirits the rite is meant to honor. The faults incurred are many, the transgressions grave; there is misfortune in it and no merit, and many such ceremonies, left unfinished, have brought down real misfortune upon those who held them. This is truly something to fear!
Only the liturgy compiled by Master Zhipan of Siming is at once thoroughly precise and admirably simple — precise without becoming needlessly long-winded, simple without lapsing into omission. But his text survives only at Siming, and has never been seen elsewhere. I have taken it upon myself to correct and edit it, and had it newly carved and printed for wider circulation. Even so, this rite must not be undertaken lightly or held too often — for ease of performance inevitably leads to frequent performance, and frequent performance in turn breeds carelessness, until sincerity and reverence grow thin and transgressions multiply, so that what was sought as a blessing turns instead into misfortune! I earnestly hope we may together approach this with due caution.
Bai Qi's mass burial of surrendered Zhao soldiers after the historical Battle of Changping (260 BCE) is one of the most notorious atrocities of the Warring States period, well-attested in the Records of the Grand Historian independent of this legend; Zhipan, the actual Southern Song Tiantai historian and author of the Buddhist history Fozu Tongji already cited in this collection's earlier entries, also compiled the version of the Water-and-Land liturgy that Zhuhong describes editing and reprinting here — this specific act of textual recovery and republication is independently documented as one of Zhuhong's own genuine historical contributions to Ming Buddhist liturgical practice, distinct from, but complementary to, his better-known work compiling the Pure Land liturgies discussed elsewhere on this site.